Do We Need The
"Special Relationship"?
The
relationship between Britain and the USA has shaped world politics since the 18th
century. It has precipitated wars, divided continents and revolutionised the
political, economic, social and cultural aspects of both countries and their
neighbours. But in the aftermath of the Iraq War and Blair's continual
sycophancy towards the most powerful right-winger in the world, this
transatlantic bond has come under fire. So, will this transoceanic allegiance
last for another 200 years, or are we at the point where the rope must snap? In
short, is this "special relationship" necessary?
Certainly there are arguments for
this tie to exist. One of which is accountability. Since the Declaration of
Independence on 4th July 1776, the Americans have held the British
to account over their empire. It was partly down to American pressure that
British colonies like Burma and India were granted independence (although in
the latter case, most credit must go to Mahatma Gandhi). Whilst hasty
withdrawal from Africa left the door open for the dictatorships of Idi Amin and
Robert Mugabe (along with Apartheid in South Africa), it had to happen. Without
American pressure, Britain would certainly have delayed independence for
decades, though it is inconceivable to think that fifty years later we would
still have half of Africa under our thumb. In some ways this hastiness by the
USA could be blamed for the events throughout the 1960s and 1970s, but it was
still necessary.
Secondly, Britain and America -
dubious as it may seem - have so much in common. We both embrace free market
economies; and in some part in the twentieth century we have dabbled with
interventionism - America with the New Way before World War II, Britain with
Keynesian Economics from 1945 to 1979. There is a massive culture clash between
Europe and the British isles; concepts like the café mentality (the British
drink in pubs, the French in cafés) show a massive social gap between the UK
and the continent. Britain's membership of the EU throws these differences up
all the time. The controversy over the (entirely justified) British rebate
shows how different we British are from the rest - we were the only ones out of
the 25 wanting to keep the rebate. Maybe Charles de Gaulle was right in
refusing us membership in 1967. Our involvement has opened old wounds, not
healed them - at any England v Germany football match, "Don't mention the
war" will always be somewhere in the air. Such antediluvian stereotypes
exist as strongly as ever, even if, in this climate of political correctness,
we only say them behind peoples' backs. On the contrary, since the 1980s
America has seemed a lot like Britain. The launch of MTV formed a united market
for British and American artists alike, which is still present today. British
music has become more successful since the 1980s, so that every band now has
the potential to sell more records and win over the States like the Beatles did
in 1964. Certainly in terms of music Europe has never matched this.
Thirdly, there is the question of
world influence. Since the mid-19th century America's economy grew
so much that by World War I it was outstripping Britain. During Britain's gold
standard crisis and financial gloom in the 1920s, Wall Street boomed until the
Great Crash on 14th October 1929. At the Yalta Conference in 1945,
Winston Churchill was forced to accept that they were no longer a world power,
and that the US had surpassed them. He also knew that he, along with his
successor Clement Attlee, would have to be allies with America if they were to
have any influence on world events. That is why Attlee sent British troops into
Korea in 1950 - it split his party and Churchill won the early election a year
later, but Britain still managed a degree of international presence, even in a
derogatory way. It is thanks to the USA that Britain still commands a position
in the G8, in NATO, and on the UN Security Council. From what we have seen in
past weeks, Britain has little influence in the EU (not just because of the rebate,
but also because of QMV and all the bureaucracy.). Without the US, we would be
an island politically as well as geographically.
All these make out that America is great. As John
Cleese might have said in Monty Python's
Life of Brian, "Okay, but apart from the music industry, the
international influence, the strong economy, the transatlantic accountability
and the cultural revolution, what have the Americans ever done for us?"
But in reality it is not so rosy. A recent survey conducted by The Economist found that there is a
60-40 split between Britons who like Americans and those who hate them. That
gap has massively shrunk from the 1960s. Another poll conducted by the same
newspaper asked countries to say how favourably they saw the following countries:
America, France, Japan, Germany and China. On every list bar India's, America
finished in last place. So not only is the special relationship between the USA
and UK threatened, there is very little chance of forming one with anyone else
if it should collapse (America will have very little interest in India until it
gets as competitive as China.).
This climate of anti-Americanism led to the French
and Germans refusing to support the Iraq war (wise move) and a failure to pass
a second UN resolution to make the war legal - if wars can be. One reason why
the special relationship should cease to exist is that the international
influence it carries had led spectators to brand us warmongers. Indeed, after
Pearl Harbour the US seems only too willing to fight against whomever it
pleases - World War II, Korea, Vietnam, Iraq (twice), not to mention helping
Thatcher out in the Falklands and the Cold War. No other nation outside the
imperialists - Britain, France, etc. - has been involved in so many wars in
such a short space of time, 64 years and counting. Blair's reputation has been
damaged by Iraq and his close friendship with Bush (brilliant), which made him
lose 100 seats in the 2005 election (even better). Neville Chamberlain
described President Franklin D. Roosevelt as a "warmonger" in 1937 -
the smartest move of his career. We have seen the impact that our ties with the
USA have had on our image in Europe - the longer we stay allies with America,
the harder it will get to offer an olive branch to the continent.
A second and important reason for
ending the affair is the political climate. In Britain, we have a multi-party
system (yes, the Lib Dems do count), where both the left and the right are
present in some way, shape or form. In America there is a two-party system
where everyone who's anyone is right-wing. Ralph Nader - the leader of the
left-wing Green Party - only won 1% of the vote in the 2004 presidential
election, and the New Way was a brief dabbling in interventionism which was
little more than a flash-in-the-pan; once the economy recovered in the
late-1930s it was abandoned and never seen again. As well as this, there are
rich examples in history when either country has refused to help the other out.
In the Suez Crisis of 1956, Prime Minister Sir Anthony Eden invaded Egypt but
the USA did not support him - he was forced to resign and Britain was
humiliated. In the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, President Kennedy and Harold
Macmillan were so suspicious of each other, that Kennedy eventually sent the US
Fleet into Cuba, only letting Macmillan know the night before. In the
mid-1960s, Prime Minister Harold Wilson rightly refused to commit British
troops to Vietnam, which enraged President Lyndon B. Johnson so much that they
hardly spoke for the rest of the decade. Cambridge historian David Reynolds
implies that the two were at loggerheads even as they fought together in 1941 -
Britain had grown wary of the prevailing isolationism the USA practised (no
chance of that today) that led to their late entry into both wars. History
always repeats itself, so we may see many more events like these that will
stretch the transatlantic cord to breaking point.
A third reason is the culture clash.
Though much less than that with Europe, there are some things, which we British
do, that the Americans just don't, and vice versa. The most obvious example is
religion. Britain is a generally secular society, and though the Church has not
been vanquished, multiculturalism and cynicism have left the British Isles a
wary and stubborn island where the Church of England has little political
influence outside of the Archbishop of Canterbury's wise polemics. In stark
contrast, the USA is riddled with conservative, fundamentalist Christians,
especially in places like the Bible Belt. The power of the Christian right is
evident in its prominent intervention in abortion and euthanasia cases, such as
the recent Terry Schiavo case. American evangelists like Billy Graham and the
creationism that springs from their belief in taking the Bible literally are
seen by most Britons are scary to say the least; some of the more liberal
Christians see a lot of these people as out of their minds and out of touch. We
may embrace The Simpsons but we
wouldn’t sit through a televangelism show. This difference will continue as
long as church attendance declines and the Christian Right gets more influence
in American politics.
The final reason why the bond must
be broken is that it is completely one-sided. The balance of power between the
two nations is just like it was in the mid-1960s. Following Harold Wilson's
refusal to supply America with troops, Lyndon B. Johnson remarked: "A
visit to Washington [by Wilson] would be a serious mistake, since nothing
Britain can do will change our position." Bush and Blair are on speaking
terms, but the situation could not be more identical. Blair has been aptly
described as Bush's poodle, who can only stand by his master and obey. As far
as Bush is concerned he can nuke anyone he likes - as if the imperialist,
neo-Thatcherite Blair has the courage to stop smiling, step in and stop him.
Such a biased relationship cannot be tolerated for much longer and should be
destroyed as soon as it becomes clear that equilibrium cannot be restored.
So, in conclusion, is the
"special relationship" necessary for modern Britain? Well to some
extent it is, if we wish to remain in some way the shapers of the political,
economic and foreign agenda. We need America on our side and under control if
we are to have a positive impact on the world. If we seek to intermingle our
rich cultures and enhanced knowledge for the greater good, the special
relationship will bring economic stability, higher quality arts, media and
technology, and as far as our political systems go we may learn a thing or two
from each other. Yet deep inside I have an urge to end Anglo-American
co-operation for good. America today is so headstrong, paranoid and pugnacious
that it is regarded as the school bully of the world, that will never take 'No'
for an answer and who has the capacity to destroy the globe if it spent all its
money on weapons. Europe, Africa, Asia and the Middle East all hate America, to
the extent that we are the sole ally of the sole superpower. There are things
that we two nations shall always disagree on, and these differences new and old
will remain divisive as long as we are friends. If America remains as aloof,
dogmatic and right-wing as it is now, we cannot expect amiable judgement by
historians in 100 years time. In which case I say it is time that we left the USA
out in the cold and concentrate on bonding with Europe and even Russia, just to
annoy them. The longer we leave it, the harder it will be to win back our
international dignity.
Do you agree?
Bibliography
1.
'Not
a Revolution, More a Civil War', Richard Holmes, 2003, BBC History Magazine/
The Independent.
2.
'Balance
of Power Swings to the West', Martin Crawford, 2003, BBC History Magazine/ The
Independent.
3.
'Under
Fire', Charles Wheeler, 2003, BBC History Magazine/ The Independent.
4.
'Tony
beats the drum for Africa', Volume 375 Issue 8430, 2005, The Economist.
5.
'Pop
Go the Special Relations', Niall Palmer, 2003, BBC History Magazine/ The
Independent.
6.
'You
ain't seen nothing yet', Volume 375 Issue 8432, 2005, The Economist.
7.
'Still
not loved. Now not envied', Volume 375 Issue 8432, 2005, The Economist.
8.
'Thrown
Together by the Winds of War', David Reynolds, 2003, BBC History Magazine/ The
Independent.
Daniel
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Bladerunnerismint@hotmail.com